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UK Data Archive Study Number 1463 - Inequality in the American City: Census Data for Atlanta, Georgia, USA, 1960-1970
1
INTRODUCTION
Marked
1nequal~ty
the Amer1can C1ty.
1n 11V1ng standards 15 a repet1t1ve feature of
The most obViou3 5pat1al man1festat10n is to be
found In the low levels of 11Ving In the 1nner c1ty, compared w1th the
affluent suburbs.
Inner-c1ty poverty or soc1al
1S
depr1v~t10n
traditlOnally associated w1th the so-called black ghetto, the pers1stence
of "hlCh 1S Wldely recoglllzed as an affront to soclal Justlce
a general reduct10n of 1nequality does not
fl~>re
lfuile
promlnently 1n Amer1can
poli t1cal rhetorlc, the e11mlnat10n of ,,,hetto poverty and the lmprovement
of the quallty of 11fe for blacks
asplratlon Slnce the C1Vil
ho.~
been a w1dely espoused national
r~ghts Move~ent
of the 1950s.
Indeed, dur1ng
the 19606 the problems of the black Fhetto emerged as a leading domestic
prlorlty espoused by the pollt1cal and academic estab11shmcnt.
The rcmoval of the ghetto and the integrat10n of the black ponulat1on
1nto
t~e "ma1n~tream"
of Amer1can llfe could be expected to change the
spatlal expression of lnequality 1n the runerlcan Clty
respects.
111
s1gnlficant
Ih th the areas of worst houslng and 30ciel depr1vat10n gOOle,
lntra-clty d1fferences In levels of 11v1ng would obviously be reduced.
TWo features of the 1960s might lend support to such an expectat10n
the urban renewal programmes responslble for the physical e11m1nat10n of
poor houslng, and the capac1ty of a prosperous economy to provlde
opportunlties for upward mob1l1ty to 1ncreasing numbers of blacks
plaus1ble set of hypotheses
mi~~t
therefore
b~
A
that lnequa11ty between
the races has been reduced and that th1S is reflected 1n a reductlon 1n
inequality among res1dent1al areas wlthin the C1ty - themselves BubJect
to greater
rac1~1
1ntegrat10n.
However, what has actually happened could be rather more complicated
with some perverse distribut1ve outcomes.
The physical destruction of
the ghetto may not have been accompanled by the rehous1ng of all those
d1splaced,
the1r poverty may s1mply have been relocated.
The whites
may have enJoyed econOmlC advancement, in aggregate, to the same extent
as
~lacks,
or even at a more rap1d rate, thus perpetuating or exacerbat1ng
1nter-rac1al inequal1ty.
have been b1ghly select1ve
Upward mob111ty w1thin the black groups may
And there 1S no guarantee that, whatever
else has occurred, deep-seated rac1al preJudice w1ll have been overcome
to the extent that res1dential integration "111 have increased.
Thus
an alternative Bet of hypotheses mlght be that inequ&llty between the
races has not been reduced, that the predOmlnantly black areas mlght
display the same or even greater ineqUality than before, that overall
2
inequality among residential areas might have increased rather than
decrel).sed, and that racial residential
!loJ.ariz~.tion
re",o.ins much as
before.
The purpose of this paper is to explore
tren~s
in race and space
ineqU31ity in one American city, during the decade 1960 to 1970.
ci ty in 'l.uestion is Atlanta, Georgia.
some
i~ortant
The
The time perioc. chosen covers
changes in the social geography of the city, arising from
major urban renewal projects and some expansion of black residential
space.
The intention is to describe these chanfl:es, as a Y.>relildnar:r to
testing some of the hypotheses outlined above.
These findings .,Till then
be related to an interpretation of the process of change in
A~lanta,
over
the period under review.
The data base is derived frol'l the Census of Population and Housinz.,
for 1960 and 1970.
The analysis presented here is the first stage of a
project that it is hoped will subsequently use the results of the 1980
Census to extend the examination of trends in inequality it: Atlanta over
a further ten-year period.
The choice of the city of Atlanta is explained fully in the bo,:Y of
the paper.
HO'7ever, it is worth mentioninp: at the outset that Atlanta
has achieved a special identity in recent yeexs - as boom city of the
"new" prosperous South, as home of Ha.rtin Luther King and other prominent
black leaders, as the first major southern city to elect a black mayor,
and as the political power base from which Jimmy Carter projected himself
into the Presidency of the United States.
What is perhaps more important
to the specific focus of this paper is that, 1.lll1ike northern cities with
their more recent influx of blacks, Atlant" h9.s a long-established bl"ck
population with its own institutions and a "middle-class" that goes back
three or four generations.
With the importance of. Atlanta in the civil
rights movement and black political
e~~ncipation,
these conditions might
be regarded as particularly favourable for black economic and social
advancement, once the rigid segregation and overt discrimination of the
old South had b€en overcome.
In other words, if blacks cannot "make out"
in Atlanta, they are not likely to do so anywhere else in America.
And
if the prosperity and urban reconstruction of the 1960s did not create a
more equal city in Atlanta, then the prospects of this happening elsewhere
are rather remote.
lihile no scientific claim can be made that this case
study is representative of broader experience" whe.t has been observed in
Atlanta might well provide a pointer towards likelY trends in intra-city
differentiation elsewhere as the American metropolis emerges from a quarter
of a century of change in the economic status and residential arrangement
of its black population.
3
BACKGROUND
Atlanta lS the maJor crmmerclal centre for the
of the Um. ted States.
corner
Devastated In the Cl vl1 \Tar. tl:e Cl ty was gUlckly
ln a splrlt ef
reb~lt,
south-e~~tern
~ro1~h-orlented
C1V1C enterprlse that stl11
characterlzes Atlanta todp.y, and WhlCh 16 pcpularly newec. as symbollc
of thp econOITQC rlse O! the South
reglonal serV2ce centre tnan
~n
Atlanta has always been more of
~
lndustrIal Clty, wlth offJces 0f banks,
utlll tles and other cornerat'.ons "a.ded to those of olc.-establlshed Atlanta
!h th the central
concerns - the most notable beln!," the Coca Cola Company
buslness dlstrlct domlnated b'r expensl ve Pew hotels and conventlon
facl11tles, ltS monoral1 ranld translt system nearlng completl0n
ltS
suburban off1.ce !larks and vell-to-c.o resl.dentl.nl areA.s, AtJa.nto. presents
the physlcal exprE:ss"l"n of tha prosperJ. ty ane. modernl ty crmnonly assoclated
'Wl. th
th8 "new"
Bsunbelt
I
Sou1...~
end 'tn th the
f:rO',71.n~
"prom ~:enC2 of the southern
1.ll the spa.tl.f-'l !)"].ttern of AmerlCaig econo::--..:...c gro'Yrth.
But there
JS
another slde to
~tlanta,
Its most
of course
consplcuoUS physlcal expreSSlon 15 the lnner-clty area of houslns
dl1apldatl0n and poverty largely surroundlng the C.B.D , partlally cleared
and patchl1y reconstructed durlng two decades of "1lrban renewal" but
stl11 toc.ay a stark contrast wlth the concrete-and-elass glltter of the
nearby offlce blocks and luxury hotels
'Hhl1e by no
~eans
all the
poverty areas are occunled by blacks, 1 twas Wl thln the bl !lock cornmunl ty
that the most serlOUS soclal deprl vatlon W'lS to be found dur~ng the 1960s.
Atlanta was an early centre of the clnl rlghts M0vement. under the
leaders hlP of the Rev
Leadersh~p
Conference
Martln Luther Klng and the Southern
The Clty also threw up lts own
Chrlstla~
embod~ment
of
,,'!nte backlash In Lester ,Io.ddox, whose refusal to lllteFr'lte hlS frled
crocken restaurant attracted enough e.ttentlon alld sy-:nnathy to Wln hlm
elect) on as Go'rernor of GeOr[;la
response of the
wh~ te
The
c~ vl1
rlghts strugl'le and. the
9upreme.cl.sts In the form of the Ku IG.ux Klan,
vra~ed
aG'l1nst the background of unprecedented lf hlghly selectl ve prosperl ty,
C1V1C boosterlsm, personal ereed, sharP buslness
chlcanery, lS
~~
pract~ce
and
pollt~cal
essentlal part of the context of soclal and spatlal
change ln Atlanta durlng the 19605
All this lS vlvldly descrlbed in
e recent novel by Machlln (1979)
At the tlme of the C1Vl1 War the
I\
po~ulatl0n
of fttlanta wes 15,000
century later, the 1970 .Q.~ recorded 1,387,600 people in the Atlanta
Standard Metropolltan Statistlcal Area, composed of the countles of
Clayton, Cobb, Dekalb, Fulton and Gwlnnett (Figure l)
The DOJulatl0n
4
cof the Central City, with ""hich this sturJy is conC2rnec., wry,s 1,97,000, or
35.13 of the total for the S.M.S.j~.
~e
area shmm as the Urban Frini;e
in Figure 1 hart a po:)ul9.ticn of h76 ~OOO., most -:.f this l::'ein~!, in suburl~8.n
areas
immedi~. tely l:e~,rond
the city limits.
An irr.portnnt ccntritutor t.;
Atl.anta's recent Growth has been inward migre.tion, no"t only of highly
mobile professional and skilled ;rorkers but "lso of I,oor :oeo"le displaced
by the mechanization of e_?ricul ture '3.nd by economic decline in the
Southern Appalachians.
Since 1970 the S .H. S.f... !1cpulation has risen by an 3.ver:".ge of 31 }j~oo
a year, to give a 1978 figure of almost 1,650.000 accor·:'.inf, to the Atlant'1
Resional P1annin~ Cc~issiGn.
However, the
population at the:: re,te of about 1 per cent
11.
Centr~l
City has been losinG
yeftr since it rel3,ched its
10eak towards the end of the 1.960s - 1ar!1,el:r the result of wl',i te moves to
the outer suburbs.
Atlant9~
reveals most of the economic .c:I,nd social ::?rGbleI'1.s usually
identi fi ~d with the contem1Jore.ry Am.ericccl'l metropolis.
own special features, including extremely high crime
for homicide.
But it he.s its
r~tes
- especially
Some of the broader background to this is described hy
Hartshorn et 901 (1976, 53) ~s follows:
Most of these murders occur outside the o::owntc'm in a bend
of lower income black neighborhoc(ds bor(lerin~ the C.B .1'., and
are predominantly the result of domestic sque.bbles and friction
among aco.uaintances.
The southern t;!":J.rii tion af takintj the
le>~w into one I s own hands, the mystique of r-rotecting one 7 s
!lhonorlf , the everrresent distrust of the pc·lice :unong blacks,
the abundance of handguns, the use or' alcoh'll" ,,::d. under-
employment a.re other factors associated with violent crine in
Atlanta.
Low paying menial blue col13.r service ,j'Jbs, offering
Ii ttle advancement potential or satisfnction, are the
onl~r
Occupp.tions "pen to unskilled blacks.
HiEd, job'l.bsenteeism
and turnover rates are commcnpla.ce and run (:~ep in inner city
neighborhoods.
Poverty, overcrotfded. hon,es, the high freq.uency
of female-headed households. an (1. the lack of child supervision
frequently pervade these hifh crime areas.
In short., social
disorg~niz.'J.tion prevails.
The raci!'tl (lii!lension of c.erri v:"lticn is ur..derlinec
of Census estimate of 1~8. 8 per cent
0
b~r
aU. S. Bure9.u
f black fa:!1ilics in the central
ci ty Ii vin~ below the pcverty level in 197(), cOI'J!iarcd 'vi th onl:'r 2- per
cent fer ,,-hi tes (Cl9.rke, 1971, 1.).
of inner-city residents in 1965 ~
ii1
Con(li tio!1s rGve3.1erl. by a survey
the middle cf the nericrl under
review in this !lacer, 3.re summari3e1 as follo',s (Clarke. 197L 2.5);
The bl'l.ck f'lID..; ly is more lik21y the.n the whi te f"",iIi es
of the same incor.:;.; level to be hea.ded. by a 110I!lan, les s
likely to be on w01fare'-- . ~lore likely to be in debt, r:!.ore
likely to live in a neighborhood with dirty streets, 1,i th
substandard housing, with noisy surrounriings, with rats,
with lack of recrec.tion~~ fe,cili ties) wi th cvercro,~ded. hom0S
~
5
1
and wlth feneral squalor
In splte of these poor surroundlngs,there was no dlfference
as regards concern about helllth, or chJ ldren retar(lc:d In
school, or chlldren In trouble wlth the polIce between the
varlOUS raclal-lncome groups.
Anathy ~bout health,
educatIonal retardatlon, and dellnquency, do not qeen
partIcularly related to any partlcul~.r race and Income
group
In other lTords, the relatl ve deprJ_ vatlon 0 f :poor blac!("s could not
be attrlbuted to thelr B.ttl tudes
Experlence ln tne C1V11 rlghts
movowent In fact mane poor blacks more llkely than poor whltes to
organl ze and artlculate concern, thouf.h there ".re Impecilments to
cohesl ve soclal movements A.IIlonE blacks - as wlll "e shown later In thlS
pa:::er
Atlanta also has problems
To quote '!(u:tshorn et al
arlsln~
from ItS
spat~al
and bUllt fom.
a~alll
lfuny presslng problems In AtlF-nta are due to tne ranld
ra-ce of ~rcvth e!'!d the stralns of adJustl.ng te-· 1. t.
ft~on~ these are exceSSl.ve gove-n~~ntal fra~entatlon~
spot zonl.ng, the lack of cornprehens 1. ve pl~..rillln€, e..nd
aberratl.ons 10 th,= houslng m~,rket
Tr..~ l'3.re;e number
of governmental Jurlsdlctlcns 1n tile e.rea ha.s led to
extremely var1.F!.ble tax re.t~s
The Cl ty of r.....tlanta
prov1.des many serVlces to unlncornorated b2droom
communl tles. o.rees Wh1Cl1 :nany feel arC' not 'paYlng thelr
way" and hence belng Subsldlzed by poorer CIty reslnents
Such problems are shered by most maJor Amerlcan cltles, but they
are exacerbated In the Sl tuatlon of substant,al populetlon growth and
spatlal rearrangement WhlCh has been Atlanta's recent experlence.
~,o
aspects nf
populet~on
change are of
=alyslS of trends In 1!\equallty.
~artlcul~r
relevance to the
These are the redlstrlbut10n of
populatlon wlthln the Clty, und the shlftlng raclo.l
resldent~al
pattern.
The most Important features mAlI' be descrlbcd onefly, "nth the asslstance
of ma:?s lllustrat"tng changes from 1960 to 1970 reveo.l:·l by Census data,
and also the subsequent trends U]1 to 1978 ,nc',cr.i.3cl by the j10pulatlon
estlmates of the Atlanta Reglonal
Comnus~lon
The terrltcrlBl unlts of
observatlon arc the 1(l2 census tr'l.cts (or conal natlons thereof) that form
the framework for the
ex~.lnlnatlon
of 1nequall ty later In th, s pa'Ocr
Between 1960 and 1970 the total populatlon of the Clty of Atlanta.
Increased slIghtly - from !,1l8, 350 to
!'9~,
975
'I'he pattern of populatlon
Cha.\·lge "J thln the Clty (Fl(,:ure 2) sho ..s rl1lrlfcd contrp..sts, however.
relatlvely rapld
opectacular
the C.B.D
~rowth
~rowth
Tne
of the western suburhs shows uD, wlth less
In the north.
The Inner parts of the Cl ty. ar01md
(somewhat off-centre In an easterly dlrectlon) reveal almost
6
unrelieved pa";ulaticn clec!"eas-e
with SGme very high rates locally where
urr.:;an renewa.l or slum clear~nce hs.']. its greatest ir.1pnct.
1970-78 periocl, in which there has been
po:[)ulation., increases have
IM~_r:l~i"
~Jeen l~rp'ely
t1Jl
During the
overall net loss of ~i ty
confine'::' to
,g,
few
suburba~
tr3.cts,
in the yTest ~d south, l.·ri t:r~ the nost r9.p:"1 f?rcw':h noW' tran8fe!'r(~d
across 7-he city limits into t~1e newer subur:"s.
Ln.rce propcrtione.l
decreases are still reeisterec. in sone inner-c"i ty trac-:.3 ~ :ll thcup-.,h the
"pace of slum clearance h3.s slacl{.ened.
~e
~ust
ch&'1@:ing racial geo.gro:phy of Atlanta.
te describe']' in
S0I!le
c.etail, as this is fund~.mental to the c~~mtral issue of inco.u!J.lity.
other southern ci ties
ser:ret;atio!:.
~
Atlanta has a lonr; hi story of racial r0si(1entie.l
Fa.r from oeing red.uced by t:le up'i·rard
~i,.~hts
SJ1d the integra.tion rhetoric of the ci vil
se~:;reGn_ticn
LikE.:
~obili ty
cf blacks
stru;:;c1e, the level .')f
was ~ in the 19605 ~ as Gren.,t if not grea.ter than eVt~r.
':f:n.euber
and T:l.eucer (1965, 1'0) show ir.creases in their ind,;x of resiclential
segregation 'in Atlanta between 19 1.0 and 1950. and tet'.;een 195C1 end 1960.
This was due in part to the elimination of scat.tered pockets of black
residences,
incluc~in~~
rJr'my ·'ree.r '! and
occupied by servents workinr
Hartshorn et aI, 1976, 1'7-8).
of
raci~l
'~.'1.11ey!·
i~ nearby ho~es
::wellings ~ cyic;ina.ll:r
of whites (Stone, 1976,
4~·
But it :llso reflected. the preservation
homogeneity on a neighbourhood
b~sis
1
even
p...reor..~
the relatively
w'211-to-do.
The degree of racial residential polarity in 1960, 1970 and 1918 i,]
illustrated gr'=..phically in Figure 3.
The vast majority of census tract3
in Atlanta have continued to be occu'9iec. preclominSJ11-,ly by or:c race.
only obvious difference between the three
histo~rans
The
is the r8ductior.
i~
the number of tre.cts with over 90 per cent of the popule.tion ,;),i te and a
corres,cnding increase in those ':.ri th eyer 90 per cent
1)1~.cl:.,
-which simDly
represents the rising sha.re of blacks in the overall city population.
The shiftinr: re.ci'l.l ileo,7raph:,' of this ;:>erioc1 maJ:es comparison with the
Taeubers' index hazardous.
However, the number of tre.cts (out of 102)
with 90 rer cent or less of their population accounten. fo!' by one re.c~
(i .e. tlrnixed" tracts, thou.~~ not necessarily integrated on a street-bystreet basis) was virtually the sa!lle in 1960 and 1970:
2P against
2'(.
By 1978 it had risen to 37, r'oflecting the "aCE of change in n.cie.l
geography, especially in the southern half of the city (see ~lelow), where
e. number of "trixed" tracts were in an activ:= ::!rocess of tr2.l1sition fror:J.
white to black.
The llrocess of race-residential
chenf~e
in Atlanta is of v8ry;rre?t
interest in its own right, reflecting important features of the
7
contemporarJ
dyn~~lcs
of
t~e
'!'he events of the pP.st thlrty
American C2ty
yea", have been descrlbed_ ln detal1 else'"h~re (Gla"er 'lnd Ilci':ntlre, 1960,
14-51,
ODeLs~av, 1973
Bedermqn, 1973,
Stone, 1976),
Hartshorn pt ~l. 1976, h6-50,
a sum.---,aI"'J lS all that lS retJ.u1red here, ,n tn the latest
,\val1allle flgures to brlnr;
~he
story ul) to date
In 1920 there were a).ready 60.000 blacks 11 V1Pr. ,,1 ~tlanta, ".nc. thlS
durlnc the lnter-war per1.od. By l~)50 the Cl ty 1::;
,
PO!,ule.tlon W'J.S 41 :per cent black .. but they"were conflnecl to \.;hA,t T-Tartshorn
fJ.[ure
gre~ ste~. .iJ.ly
et 801 (1976, )'6) descnbe as 'e,refully ,rescnbed so-called Fhetto :lrp.e.s"
around the "estern, eastern a.nd southern frlnges of the C B D
ln Taeuber and Taeuber, 1966, 270).
(see =1'
dlstrlbut1.~nal
There had been few
ehaJ1("es SlJ1Ce 1930, aLd the exp'lnSl0n of the black ])o?ulatl0n was crep.tlng
lncreased l?ressure for outvard extens1.on of the '.;lack rcsldentlal are.!lS,
espeele.lly on the
r~rt
of blacks
Wlt~
effectlve demand fo- better
'VTrn teE were monnc out of the Cl ty, ane.
1. t
took.
:3. rr.C
housln~
Jor '3..nnt2X"'l.tlon of
predoIlnnantly Whl te suburbs (wInch trl:?le1 th" area of the C1 ty ln 1952) to
mel.ntain whl. te- numerlc9.1 supreco.cy
The l.ncorporetl0n of 1art£C areas to
the north, west and south of the orlglnal (pre-1952) Clty 11nuts ralsed the
lssue of where the extenGl0Tl of black reslitentlal space
1~
Jearlnp, In mlnd that thlS w0uld be stron.ly res,sted
suburbs
ill' ght
be penn tted,
eXlstlnF wnlte
Some black houslng had already been l'llllt In the 1930s and 19408
beyond the orlglnal western Clty l1rruts, and It was In thls d2rectlon tnat
Llack expansl0n took place
At the end of the 1940s blacks )ccu~led the
1-1C'zley Park are" Just 1nslde the C1 ty hml ts _
85
nar'. of e" 'rentlem"n' s
ag!"£e!!lent" worked out W1.th Clty offlclals ",hsrE'b:r "blacks "ould not mOVG
l~tO whlte r8s,-dent~Bl areas south of a certA'-1l 11ne (l'est"lew Drlve).
In
the 1950s blacks moved stll1 further west, OCCUPY11lg the ·"hl te "m:dcilecl'l.ss" nelghbourhood of Colller Helgnts ',:11ch ;ras Dart C'f the 1952 anllexatl0n.
The pattern of vestward
eXU~Slon
15 eVl.nent In
cer-sus tract populatlons ln 1960 (F1Fure
In 1960 the act of one
funda~ental ch~nGe 1.0
become a
A blacK.
1.::1(l1. V1
IlnyslC1f.U1
of Ps.yton
Fdrest~
t~e
com~osltlon ~f
recla1
3)
d.ual ,!,recl.;1. tated
!/.J."ts subsequently
whB;t
the raclal resldentl.ol
~eo~rp~hy
moved l.nte the whl. te Junner ml.ddle cla.ss
south of the Festvl.ew Drlve Gl.v1.de
I
of
~tlanta.
suedJ. V1.Sl0n
The Cl.ty -:;:overn.'I'lent
trled a numbGr of measures to prevent furthsr black penetratlC'D,
lncludln~
the syt!lbohc cons"Lructl0n of a barrlcade across the street (Peyton Roa,:)
leadl.ng southwards from 'I-iestVJ..ew Drl. ve
But the Clty orClncr-ce enected
to legallze the closlnG of the street was cha11en[ed In court, the barrlcade
waS removed ln 1963, and well-to-do blacks moveQ In substantlal numbers
l.nto prevl.ously exclusl. vely affluent whl. -:'("Jo aelghbC'urhoods
The vhlte
8
exodus, provoked by the first black incursions and
practices of rer.l-estate sr.lesmen (b)Jtck as well
~r!cnur~t.:eQ
6.S
. . .y the
du~ious
;rhite), '.as se r~.pid.
as to enable extensi Ye e.rellS to be tr:'lnsfcrre(' from solie: vrhi te ~0 ~rirtue~ly
selid blact in less than
dec3.de.
B.
The im"?B,ct is evident in the :ll3.p for-
1970 (Figure 3), which shows the consolidatio,; of th" \;",stw9.rd Iled"e of blacl,
residential spac".
side of the city.
A less
proI!linen~
",.;edE'e \·. . as
F~SO
e!'1err:"lTlt;
en the
e~_,st2rn
The celebrated llsector Ul0nel)' of 'J.rba.n residential
3T.ructure associated. wi t~ Homer Hoyt accurs.tel;{ ":8scri bes the pp,ttern of
racial differcr.tiation in Atlanta 1n 1970.
Subsequent changes have been no less dramatic than thos." of the 19605.
Th" map for 1978 (FiC:Ur'e 3) shows that the western black "ed;:oe is extending
southwards, and that a n1lI!lbcr of previously "hi te tracts
old inner-city I';hetto ar'e now in e. state of tra.nsi tion.
';0
the south of the
Given the speed
with which the transfer of residential space from "rhites to blacks can take
place, the l)rOSpect for the 19808 is of the consoli':1aticn of black occupation
~a~t
of the southern par-t of the city, leavinc the northern
in the hands of whites.
still exclusively
This r(;T)resents the final stage of the orealc··out
of blacks from the old r,hetto into sul;urbia, "i thin the constraints imposed
by the preservation of some pattern of r:lce residenti';l,J. segref,ution.
The significance of recent shifts in popul:ltion is stlrm.arized in a
consultants' report as follows:
"The resl:..l t of these trends is the
increasinc division of Atlanta society into black a.nd
~.,rhite,
rich and pODr
cmmntmi ties more seGregated physically J socially ana. econor'.ically the.n i!l
the previous 25 years" (Policy Desir,n Cor'Poration, 1975, 56).
The rer-."inder
of this stuCy seeks to examine this assertion and its implications for
inequtii ty in Atl9.nta, by establishing some basic facts
an interpretation of the process involved.
and "t.llen offt2rinE
9
SELECTIon OF INDICATOHS
:I'o establlsh the facts wlth respect to lnequalltv In Atlanta requlres
a selectlon of soclal indlcators.
These must be caryable of
~easurlnf-
the level of lnequallty at the chosen datum pClnts of 1960 ~nu 1970, so
as to t>rovlde a readlng on hOI; far lnequall ty ha,s decreasE,d or lncreased
Ideally, the lndlcators should be numer0us enough to reflect a varlety of
attrlbutes assoc]ated vlth the broad concepts of 11V1Ue standards or
soclal well-be1ng.
been a focus of
'!'he developl'lent of 1ntra-c1ty secl'll lndlcators has
con~lderable
research In human geography rver the past
decade (see Smlth, 1973, Chapters 3, 8,
Sm1th, 1977, CharT-er ln,
Smlth,
1979, Chapte:r 4), but such studles are almost lnvari",bly statlc r"ther
than dymulll c .
constr~lnt
The em;>hasls on change In thlS present study acts as a
on the cholce of ludlcators
The "tartlng pOlnt for thlS exerC1SC 1S a peece of research by
Bederman (1974), '<hich "[,rondes a dlffe1'entlatl0n of "quahty of life"
In
Atlant~
at the
lev~l
of the Census tract
"factors' or gener'll headlnF'B, under WhlCh "leve:n
vere selected (Table 1).
lndlvld~al
lndlcators
Data for these varlables wer€ used to L'enerate
a compos 1 te "Quall ty of Llfe Index'; 1:::.- a method slm11ar to the SlllllI'lat1on
of standard devlates commonly used ln soclal lnd1cators research (see
Bederman, 1974, 30-31)
The lndex was ce.lcuJe.ted for e.ll but three of
the 115 census tracts wholly Wlthln the C1ty of' Atlantc. 1n 1970.
Bederman's map (1'eproduced as F1gure 4) reveals ~ d1otlr.ct pattern
'!'hlS
ccrresponds closely ,nth the pattern of racl8,l resldence (see Flgure 1)
the predom1nantly black areas generally have relc.t1vely low llfe quallty,
as Lleasured. by Bederms.n I S l.ndex
The 1n1t1al 1ntentlon of the present research vas to reul1cate
Bederman's work for 1960 (and, subsequently, for 1980), at least to the
extent of eXam1nlnG changes revealed by each of Bederman's lndlcators.
As Table 1 shows,
Bede~~~
went beyona the nbVleus census measures, to
Hc'Wever., It
lnclude lnfant mortal1ty ana rates of crlmlnal actlvlty
proved lmposs1ble to compl1e 1960 d".ta fer th8 non-census var1ables,
because of the absence: of the reoU1red records 1l? th'" County Health
Department and the C1ty Pollce Department
Attempts to obta1n l0hO and
1970 data for other non-census cendltl0ns (~.g
also
f~11ed
for s1m11ar reasons of Incomplete or
study 1S thus conflned to census date. as
the
the tub~rculosls rate)
ldentlflc~tlon
dJ.s9.greeatJ.o~
of
chan~e
th~
lnRd~~uate
records
only source thot permlts
at the reQu1red level of terrltorJal
The
10
In the final selection of indic:ltors, median rent, families 1,;ith
1),
female hE.:8.d, pO';7ulation 15 ,qnd ll..l1der or 65 and ~ver, 8.nr:!. --:,cpul..qtio!l
densi ty were dropped from Bederrlan' s list.
The first
"'~.d
enouGh tr'l.cts
in 1960 wi t;1 nco ve.lue3 to render the measurement of c\:ane:·2 dutious (in
any event, rent9.1s are
housing units:
r
=
hi~hly
correle.ted with the \ralu.e of
o~mer-occupied
.691 in 1970), the sec"nd was !:l0t avcib.ble for 1960,
whi".e the third and fourth are difficult to interpret.
used by Bederman was added:
median school
ye~"rs
Or:2 vnriable net
complete::;.
The five
chosen indicators are listed in Ta.ble 2 ~ alone with their extrClf\8 values
to give some impressio:1 of the ra.nges
9.1on,~
which th,:: individual tracts
are distributed.
While census tracts are not ideal. terri tcrip~l uni ts of observaticn
there is no n.lternative ir- this type af analysis.
fclthough they diffe!'
consider?:.bly in size and shape, e.s the mal?S reveal, they are desiGned 'So
be relati vel:! homogeneous with reci'ect to the econc1:'ic and socio.l
char9.cteristics of their pcpulations.
large discrepancies of total po:?ul!l.tion:
T!'"~~cts
are also definef1. to e.void.
in 1960 the tr'l.Ct 'o-.o',)ulaticns
as used in this study ranged from 1308 to 10,071, with a standard deviation
of 1816 about the mean of 4717;
for 1970 the statistics werG a minimum
of 754. maximUJ:l of 19.580. a standard deviation of 30·3"?omd a mean of 4806.
workin~
with such
population aggregates do arise, includinG the !,rcblem of the
so-calle,~.
Nevertheless, most of the well-known difficulties of
ecological f!lllacy, which limits what the de.ta may legi tircatdy yield..
Four tracts have teen omitted because of incomplete or otheM;ise
misleading data.
A few tracts have been amalgamated to facilitate the
comparison bet"een 1960 anc. 19 7 0.
Fortunately, tract o_efini tions chan-c,l
very little from thG one census to the other (and have also been little
altered for the 1980 census), which, alonp: with the stability of definition
of the variables themselves, makes tempore_l ccol'lpa.rison much easier than
would otherwise be the case.
Table 1.
V"-rl.ables used 1n Bederrna,n' s Qual 1 ty (1f L1fe Inde",
Health Factor
Infant 110rtah ty (1968, 1969, 1970 avero."e)
Pub11c Order Fact(1r
Ag~ravated
Assaults
p~r
1000 Peo?le
rlur5lar1es ?er 1000 Hous1ng Un1ts
Hous1ng Qual1ty Factor
r.
of Hous1ne Un1ts
Leck1n~
Allor Some Plumb1nc
Med1an Value of Sl,ec1f1ed Owner Occu,ned Hous1ne; Un1 ts
l1ed1an Rent of Spec1f1eel Renter Occup1ed Un1 ts
SOC10eCOnOmlC
Factor
Med1an Ferraly Income
%of
FaID1l1cS w1th Female as Head
% of Total Pc1,ul8t1on 15 Years and Uneler and 65 Years ane:. Older
Dens1ty Factor
Po?ulat1on Dens1ty Der Acre
% of Occup1.ed UnJ. ts
In ~vrnch
Greater than 1 0
Source
Beelerman (1974, 30)
the Average Room Occupance
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